MORAIN: The lowdown on top-two races

  • 11/3/2012: B3: [mug]

    PC: Assembly member Michael Allen listens to Bill Herms, Deputy Director of the Department of Parks and Recreation, during a Joint Oversight Hearing on the Impacts and Status of State Park Closures in Sacramento on Tuesday, November 1, 2011.

Steve Glazer's fight with Democrats might be a footnote to the 2012 election, except for what it shows about the dominant party in California and the new political order of the top-two primary.

Hardly a reactionary, Glazer started as an aide to Gov. Jerry Brown when he was a college kid, and campaigned in 1986 to save the late Chief Justice Rose Elizabeth Bird, though voters ousted her.

After helping Brown again in the 2010election, Glazer became a consultant for the California Chamber of Commerce, hoping to elect moderate Democrats. That's when he crossed Speaker John A. P?ez and labor.

Six months after the election, charges fly of unethical practices. Some people involved have lawyered up, anticipating a Fair Political Practices Commission investigation. Although parts of the story are murky, here's what is known: Early in 2012, with Glazer's aid, the California Chamber of Commerce's political action committee, Jobs PAC, targeted two Assembly Democrats — Betsy Butler from the Santa Monica area, and Michael Allen from Marin and Sonoma counties.

Allen and Butler were liberals in a house dominated by liberals. But they stood out because they faced challenges from other Democrats — Richard Bloom, then Santa Monica mayor, and Marc Levine, then a San Rafael city councilman.

The Chamber of Commerce sought to seize an opportunity by showing that the right type of Democratic challengers could knock off incumbents who cross business.

P?ez, trying to protect incumbents, told power players including the Chamber of Commerce to butt out of the Butler and Allen races. Not wanting to anger the speaker, the chamber and Glazer stood down, or so it appeared.

But instead of directly attacking the incumbents, Jobs PAC gave its polling and research — raw material of mailers — to another business group, Western Growers Association, which proceeded to pummel Allen and Butler.

One mailer accused Butler of defending sexual predators who are teachers by voting to kill a bill that would have made it easier to fire pervert-teachers. Another mailer accused Allen of taking "hundreds of thousands in campaign cash from special interest unions." Though brutal, the attacks would have been within bounds if a Republican firm had produced them. But Western Growers disclosed that its mail firm had the same Virginia address as Kevin Mack. Mack was partners in a Democratic mail house, Mack-Crounce Group, whose clients included labor and Barack Obama's 2012 re-election campaign.

Mack evidently didn't know his partner, Jim Crounce, was responsible for the mail. Confronted with evidence gathered by an aide to P?ez, Mack split from Crounce. The matter of retribution remained.

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