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Rubin: America risks getting fooled — yet again

  • President Barack Obama meets with Pakistan Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif in the Oval Office of the White House in Washington, Wednesday, Oct. 23, 2013. In the rocky relationship between the U.S. and Pakistan, the mere fact that Obama and Sharif sit down is seen as a sign of progress. Few breakthroughs are expected on the numerous hot-button issues on their agenda Wednesday, including American drone strikes and Pakistan's alleged support of the Taliban. (AP Photo/Pablo Martinez Monsivais)

When Pakistani Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif came to Washington last week, I couldn't help thinking of the adage: "Fool me once, shame on you. Fool me twice, shame on me."

Sure enough, despite a long history of U.S. presidents being duped by Pakistani leaders, President Barack Obama plans to restore more than $1.5 billion in blocked assistance for Islamabad.

The aid was blocked because Pakistan never came clean about who helped Osama bin Laden hide for years in Abbottabad. And U.S.-Pakistani relations are stressed because Pakistan hosts Afghan Taliban who kill U.S. soldiers, as well as jihadis who kill Western and Indian civilians.

Never mind. When it comes to Pakistan, hope seems to spring eternal. If the United States eases tension with Islamabad, administration thinking goes, the Pakistanis may finally press the Taliban to endorse an Afghan peace accord before the U.S. withdrawal in 2014.

But why expect different results now from a country whose leaders have deceived Washington for decades about their links to terrorism — and who regard anti-Western jihadis as a useful tool in fighting India?

"The United States may have to be more up-front about the relationship between Pakistan and terrorism," says Husain Haqqani, a former Pakistani ambassador to Washington and author of "Magnificent Delusions: Pakistan, the United States, and an Epic History of Misunderstanding." "This would bring to an end the ability of Pakistani leaders to deny what is happening. The days of going along with pretense should end."

Haqqani's book lays out the sad tale of America's self-deceptive relationship with Pakistan. (He has long argued that Pakistan's double game on terrorism undermines its ability to develop its full potential, which may be why he was forced out of his post.) "Since 1947, dependence, deception, and defiance have characterized Pakistan's relations with Washington," he says. "Pakistan has sought U.S. aid in return for promises we did not keep."

Early on, Pakistan enticed U.S. presidents to supply arms so it could counter the Soviets, while intending to use the weapons against India. In the 1980s, Pakistan persuaded Washington to provide mountains of cash to train the Afghan mujahedeen who drove the Soviets out of Afghanistan. However, the Pakistani ISI intelligence agency funneled that cash to the most militant jihadis and, later, helped the Taliban seize power in Kabul — setting the stage for the rise of al-Qaida.

Deception followed deception. Pakistan repeatedly lied to Washington about its nuclear weapons program in the 1980s, and has still not come fully clean about the passing of Pakistan's nuclear technology to North Korea and Iran.

After 9/11, Pakistan finally agreed to help Washington combat al-Qaida, but permitted Taliban militants to maintain safe havens in their country. The Pakistanis continue to deny ISI links to the militants, who have attacked the U.S. embassy in Kabul and killed many U.S. troops.

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