Mounk: Responsibility: A word used as a weapon
President Donald Trump's proposed budget is a bait-and-switch. On the campaign trail, Trump styled himself as an advocate of working people who believed that the state has an obligation to help struggling Americans, irrespective of why they are in need. Whereas his main rivals for the Republican nomination insisted that Americans have a responsibility to procure their own health care, for example, Trump proclaimed that we “need health care for all people.” There was, he said in one interview, “a philosophy in some circles that if you can't pay for it, you don't get it. That's not going to happen with us.”
Since taking office, Trump has reverted to a more traditional Republican playbook: His economic policy offers huge handouts to the richest Americans, and it justifies this redistribution from bottom to top with the classic rhetoric of “personal responsibility” - a trope that has dominated American politics for the better part of three decades. As Trump says in his official statement on the budget, he “will champion the hardworking taxpayers who have been ignored for too long” while reforming the welfare state so that it no longer “discourage(s) able-bodied adults from working.”
“Personal responsibility” is a peculiar phrase, at once anodyne and foreboding. It is both an expression of breezy common sense and a barely concealed threat to those unfortunate souls who might be so foolish as to act irresponsibly. With its popularity in campaign slogans, commencement speeches and self-help books, it would be tempting to dismiss personal responsibility as an empty incantation - a way to name-check virtues every decent citizen can rally around: love and lemonade, patriotism and pancakes, personal responsibility and apple pie. It's such a routine part of American discourse that the literal meanings of the words barely register.
Don't be fooled. This language has had a profound impact on American politics. Weaponized by conservatives such as Ronald Reagan, then slowly adopted by liberals such as Bill Clinton, “responsibility” has shaped public policies from health care to housing. It is no coincidence, for example, that the greatest overhaul of the U.S. welfare state, which Clinton signed into law with bipartisan support in 1996, was called the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act.
The peculiar power of “personal responsibility” (which I write about in my new book, “The Age of Responsibility”) stems from the fact that it seems to answer the question of what the state owes to whom. Conservatives often argue that some people lead irresponsible lives, characterized by laziness and bad choices. So, since a large share of the poor and the sick have but themselves to blame for their suffering, the state does not owe them anything. And to tax people who work hard and make good choices in order to look after people who are irresponsible is not just bad for economic growth; it is immoral. “Americans have choices,” as Rep. Jason Chaffetz, R-Utah, recently put it on CNN, taking this logic to its ugly extreme. “… Maybe, rather than getting that new iPhone that they just love and they want to go spend hundreds of dollars on, maybe they should invest in their own health care.”
This way of looking at the world was, as the conservative writer David Frum has pointed out, particularly seductive when economic opportunity for most Americans was plentiful. The rhetoric of personal responsibility seemed to be in keeping with the experiences of people who knew that a high school diploma and a good work ethic were enough to earn a middle-class salary. And it offered an explanation for why many members of minority communities, who suffered from the effects of discrimination, were not faring as well: By invoking personal responsibility, Americans could tell themselves that racial disparities did not stem from historical injustice but rather from factors for which the poor were themselves to blame.
But as economic opportunity began to dry up for many white Americans, the invocations of responsibility came to feel jarring. Whereas the Republican base once saw personal responsibility as a way to claim credit for its successes while casting blame for others' failures, the same language now feels like a way of adding insult to injury. As Peter Beinart has argued in the Atlantic, in the eyes of many traditional Republican voters, their party's elites, not content with placing the agendas of big businesses and special interests over those of common people, insisted on also blaming them for their own struggles. Trump, in Beinart's words, was so appealing in good part because “instead of demanding personal responsibility,” he pledged “state protection.”
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