PD Editorial: House makes case for impeachment

The articles of impeachment delivered Tuesday by the House Judiciary Committee are narrow, straightforward and, despite stonewalling by President Donald Trump, supported by more than sufficient evidence.

Trump, the committee charged in the first count of its indictment, abused his office by trying to induce Ukraine's new president to launch a politically motivated investigation of former Vice President Joe Biden, a leading contender for the Democratic presidential nomination in 2020.

The second count accuses Trump of willfully obstructing the House investigation by withholding records and barring officials from testifying.

It's a near certainty that Trump will be the third American president to be impeached, with a House vote likely as early as next week. And he almost certainly will be the third president acquitted by the Senate.

If indeed that is the outcome, it doesn't mean the House investigation wasn't warranted or that there is no evidence of wrongdoing on the part of the president.

Speaker Nancy Pelosi made the only appropriate decision when, after resisting pressure from fellow Democrats for 2½ years, she ordered an investigation of Trump's dealings with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskiy.

Trump characteristically insists his actions were “perfect,” and congressional Republicans have done their best to paint the proceedings as hasty, unfair and inconclusive. When the hearings began, we urged people to ignore the political posturing on both sides and listen carefully to the witnesses.

Seventeen current and former administration officials testified during the House Intelligence Committee's hearings, appearing in defiance of White House orders. Most of them are career officials – experts in national security and diplomacy who worked in U.S. embassies and even the White House, serving presidents from both major political parties.

These witnesses offered detailed accounts of efforts by the president and his political allies to condition a White House meeting sought by Zelenskiy - as well as delivery of $391 million in military aid desperately needed to defend against Russian aggression - on investigations of Biden and a debunked conspiracy theory about Ukrainian meddling in the 2016 election.

Then there was Gordon Sondland, a $1 million donor to Trump's inaugural committee who became ambassador to the European Union. Hardly a creature of any deep state, Sondland said he personally delivered the message to Zelenskiy and another top Ukrainian official.

Their testimony, buttressed by documents and phone records, makes clear that Trump put his personal political goals ahead of his official duties - an abuse of power.

Trump blustered about a one-sided process, then he rejected an invitation to offer a defense. Worse, he refused to comply with congressional subpoenas and ordered Cabinet members and other administration officials not to testify.

American presidents have enormous power, but they don't have unchecked power. The constitutional separation of powers is a cornerstone of the Republic, and the framers included the power to impeach as protection against a president who abuses his office.

Trump won in an election marred by Russian meddling and complicated by his loss in the popular vote. Some Democrats began pushing for his removal from office before he was sworn in, giving Republicans some justification for skepticism now.

But, as we noted, Pelosi didn't rush into impeachment, acting only when there was a credible accusation of malfeasance. And, to their credit, Democrats tailored a narrow indictment, backed by evidence of Trump's efforts to pressure Ukraine to help with his reelection.

Donald Trump, like president who abuses his office, must be held accountable - if not by the Senate in an impeachment trial, then by American voters in the 2020 election.

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